A year ago yesterday, Alan Kurdi, a Kurdish toddler, washed up on the beaches of Europe and his much photographed dead body sparked outrage amongst populations, and the promise of action from politicians. Today there is silence as a boy is murdered in Kobane by the Turkish incursion, and  the mostly Kurdish population of Rojava face the terror of this current player who has entered Syria in order to destroy the civilians of Rojava and their ideology of freedom, true democracy, egalitarianism and women’s liberation.

This silence from Europe and the US is consent for Turkey’s military invasion. This notably comes as the People’s Protection Units – the YPG – give many, many lives being the frontline in the battle against ISIS, and most recently been supported for liberating Manbij, and after many months of support and cover. Now, job done, the Turkish military is given free reign to move in and continue it’s war against the Kurdish population.

The resistance and resilience of the people of Kurdistan, or the spirit of Rojava will not be crushed by any military, be it ISIS or Turkey. We stand not only with Rojava but with those in Turkey fighting for a freer, more liberated future. We are angry about the LGBT people murdered with impunity on the streets of Istanbul as well as the 40 Kurdish civilians murdered in Jarabulus. We are angry at the open secret of the links between the AKP and ISIS, and the wave upon wave of oppression faced by the Kurdish people and liberation organisations.


This is the same struggle and the same oppressors.

We call upon our communities to speak out, act against and resist the Turkish state in all it’s manifestations of oppression.

We call for international pressure against military operations against the Kurdish people, and all civilians.

We call for further investigations into the links between ISIS and Turkey as documented by the PYD.

Everything for Everyone,

Plan C Rojava Cluster.

  • Richard Brodie

    I’m sorry for commenting here, at a distance, and not closer by, as would have been possible. However, in
    a comradely spirit, I’ll outline why, for me, this statement does not articulate the kind of politics I feel is necessary in this moment.

    The tragedy of death and destruction is too often reduced to media silence. The death of Syrian children,
    whether by drowning or bombs, is not tragic for the silence of the media, and is not mitigated by journalistic uproar. The images of Alan Kurdi created an uproar which, in the end, was easily manipulated into creating further rhetorical support for the policies of a violent regime of apparent humanitarianism. The media spotlight can burn as much as expose. On the other hand, the relative silence from the European proletariat (whose voice and power towards which I believe we look) regarding Turkey’s official entrance into the war is due partly to a general weakness, partly to a specific weakness in support of internationalism, but also I believe to the kind of positioning into which we are forced by a war with many fronts. Every front in a war finds a method to make popularist appeals, whether by ethnicity or faith. The lack of decision over whose popularism to follow is perhaps a cynicism towards demagoguery, a mixed blessing.

    The siding with one of these ideologies of populism over others is perhaps unavoidable in any statement which
    attempts to express solidarity with those fighting for progressive values, whether in the Free Syrian Army, the YPG or any other front in the war. Indeed, the voice of the organs of organised progressive forces in Western Europe (political parties, trade unions, activist groups such as ours) have almost uniquely fallen on the side of the Syrian Kurds, contrasting with the claims regarding ‘silence’. And these voices have been amplified, to the extent that the Iraqi Kurdish movement have frequently drawn on the propaganda of the Syrian Kurds to find support for their own faction. The Turkish invasion, yet again, has been veiled beneath the idea of a ‘no fly zone’ to protect civilians in the area. Our voice does, actually, have an impact, does contribute to the overall framework, as twisted as it might become.

    For those who would claim the the Free Syrian Army can be ignored (as it is in this statement, as is any reference to Assad) due to its defeats and small scale, I would quote the support given above to Rojava, that it “will not be crushed by any military.” But this notion brings no hope. If the Syrian war is wrapped up by the Great Powers, as seems to be happening, with an alliance between Egypt-Turkey-Assad to counter the USA and the Kurdish militia it has occasionally backed, those fighters who continue to be moved by the spirits of Rojava and the FSA will no doubt be chased into underground organisations of a continuing state of low-scale civil war and guerilla movements (which we might, things being different, call terrorism). The beauty of human resistance to domination which can be glimpsed in the fragmented spirits of militarism which survive a war are nonetheless still equally tainted themselves with a horrendous domination. There is no easy route out here, to which the many divisions and conflicts within the Kurdish movement (including within any acronymed faction) testifies.

    The activist fraction of the LGBT community in Turkey (whose members are being targeted and attacked), as far as I know, has a strong criticism of the militarism which has been imposed on their country and the region. The brave fighters of Rojava, male and female, Kurdish and otherwise, are also pushed onwards by this ideology; when the only route out of the chains of dominant culture is to take up a rifle, we are failing. This position is not minoritarian: it is, I think, shared by the vast majority of the millions of refugees who have left Syria — including the Kurdish regions — fleeing from the false choices in a civil war as much as their bombed out homes. I do not think, in the years to come, if we are asked by the Syrians and Kurds who grow up in Europe, that we
    will be looked upon as progressives when we explain that during the war we supported one of the militarised factions from whom they fled.

    This is not to forego any possibility of solidarity: fund raising for authentic civilian initiatives, schooling, refugee support, medical aid, etc, can only be a positive (if inconclusive) move, and there is no reason for those efforts not to be extended to the pockets of FSA resistance as well. I continue to feel that a politics we articulate in relation to the Syrian civil war has to attempt to overcome the divisions which the militarised political leadership is murderously imposing upon the proletariat, and into which we have too often fallen.